What is the relationship between leadership and stress Free Essays

In a rapidly changing world where individuals and communities live 24 by 7, communicate with different cultures at increasing internet speeds, work two to three jobs a day just to support a standardized lifestyles, leaders take the toll a level higher. Stress is evident in leadership brought about by both internal and external elements. But stress and leadership cannot be taken apart. We will write a custom essay sample on What is the relationship between leadership and stress? or any similar topic only for you Order Now These two elements interact and connive to bring out the best and the worst in the individual who is mandated to show the vision and lead the way no matter what. â€Å"Stress levels rocketed in 2005 – all around the world, whether economic activity was picking up or slowing down,† said Andrew Godfrey, partner at Grant Thornton. Keeping up with fast growth or combating recession are both equally stressful, although Asian business leaders are under particular strain, as their businesses and markets continue to show phenomenal growth.† (BBC, 2006) But John C. Maxwell relates adversity that causes stress as great opportunities for leaders to develop the limits of their potential. When leaders find themselves stressed out, their wisdom is challenged because it is those very moments when an individual gives in to his weaknesses. But for leaders who are experienced enough they would very well know what to do when they find themselves in the middle of a stressful situation. Congruently, leaders would often times cause stress themselves as they aim for more efficient, effective and economical ways of leading the community or the team. In this light, stress becomes a tool of the leader to forge new paths, new solutions and innovations to help the team reach their goals. In many ways, stress and leadership has always been in tandem with each other. The relationship between these two concepts has essentially led to greater heights of civilization, socialization and camaraderie between individuals, groups and cultures. At best, stress and leadership has always forged man to develop into the best possible leaders an individual can become. References BBC News. (2006, February 17) Business stress levels ‘double’ BBC News Retrieved October 30, 2006, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/4720684.stm Blanchard, Kenneth Ph.D. and M.D. Spencer Johnson. 1983. The One Minute Manager. Berkley Trade Maxwell, John C. 2003. Real Leadership: The 101 Collection. Maxwell Motivation Inc. Georgia.    How to cite What is the relationship between leadership and stress?, Essay examples

Electronic Future Generation Computer Systems †MyAssignmenthelp

Question: Discuss about the Electronic Future Generation Computer Systems. Answer: Introduction Common Wealth Government of Australia has proposed a system of providing electronic health summary of the patients. This project is undertaken in order to improve the process of healthcare services provided to the patients. There are a number of drawbacks associated with the existing healthcare system and therefore, it is a much needed reform to the existing system. Often doctors fail to suggest proper medication to the patient as they do not have access to the medical health records of the patients. The reform in the way of providing medical facilities is expected to address the different issues associated with the healthcare system (Mello et al., 2013). The vision document containing the problems, capabilities and benefits of My Health Record System is discussed below- The Problems One of the major problems associated with the existing system is that it is very difficult to access the old medical records of the patients as the paper based data are more prone to damage (Koh et al., 2013). There is no security of the paper based data stored in the hospital. The manual record keeping is more prone to face issues such as data redundancy and data duplication. The patients in the rural areas may not always get the opportunity to avail proper medical facilities. It is very difficult to back up a data as it is a time consuming work in comparison to the electronic record keeping system. Another major problem with manual record keeping is that the data can be accessed by one individual at a time. However, an electronic health record system can be accessed by multiple people simultaneously. There is a risk of data duplication and destruction of the data Therefore, an electronic record keeping system is very essential for brining a reform in the existing system. The capabilities of My Health Record are discussed below- System Capabilities The new health care system is capable of bringing a much needed reform in the existing healthcare services by reducing the number of cases of hospital admission. The capabilities of My Health Record system are as follows (Wager, Lee Glaser, 2017)- The system will provide the physician with a direct access of the medical information of a particular patient. There is no need for a patient to carry the paper based records whenever they are visiting a hospital. My Health record system will store the patients data in a digital format. The data will be stored over cloud and therefore it will be easily accessible to the physicians (Silow-Carroll, Edwards Rodin, 2012). The confidential data of the patients stored over cloud will be properly encrypted so that no unauthorized person can access it. The patients will be able to control whom they are giving an access to their data. It increases the data security (Thilakanathan et al., 2014). It is easier to back up the data over cloud and can be easily restored when needed The system will have certain other features including direct link of the physician with the patients. The patients will be able to fetch medical help whenever they need with the help of the My Health Record application. Therefore, it can be said that it is very beneficial to implement this system. The benefits of My Health Record system is discussed in the following section. The system will improve the different aspects of patient care by improving effectiveness and efficiency of the healthcare services provided to the patients (Pearce Bainbridge, 2014). The health information of the patients will be stored over cloud and therefore, a lot of physical space will be saved by this process. The physicians can easily get an idea of the medical history of the patients, which help them in suggesting proper medications to the patients. Conclusion In order to eliminate the problems that is associated with the existing system, it is essential to implement the My Health Record system as soon as possible. The report gives an overview of the problems identified with the existing system and the capabilities of the new system that is being proposed. My Health Record will bring a much needed revolution in patient care and this system will be accessible to all Australians. Therefore, the data stored in the system can be accessed by the physicians across the country which will enhance the process of treatment. The system is safe to implement as the patient can control who can access their data. References Koh, H. K., Brach, C., Harris, L. M., Parchman, M. L. (2013). A proposed health literate care modelwould constitute a systems approach to improving patients engagement in care.Health Affairs,32(2), 357-367. Mello, M. M., Francer, J. K., Wilenzick, M., Teden, P., Bierer, B. E., Barnes, M. (2013). Preparing for responsible sharing of clinical trial data. Pearce, C., Bainbridge, M. (2014). A personally controlled electronic health record for Australia.Journal of the American Medical Informatics Association,21(4), 707-713. Silow-Carroll, S., Edwards, J. N., Rodin, D. (2012). Using electronic health records to improve quality and efficiency: the experiences of leading hospitals.Issue Brief (Commonw Fund),17(1), 40. Thilakanathan, D., Chen, S., Nepal, S., Calvo, R., Alem, L. (2014). A platform for secure monitoring and sharing of generic health data in the Cloud.Future Generation Computer Systems,35, 102-113. Wager, K. A., Lee, F. W., Glaser, J. P. (2017).Health care information systems: a practical approach for health care management. John Wiley Sons.

The Bismarck free essay sample

The interpretation of Bismarck continued to change throughout the 1930s and 40s as a result of Nazism and the collapse of the Third Reich, the interpretations shifted, and throughout the 1960s, 70s and 80s the interpretation of Bismarck has become more balanced, not significantly influenced by political desires, whilst still influenced by social context. Through the study of historical debate focussing between the 1880s and 1980s, the changing interpretations of Bismarck can be illuminated and assessed. Historiographical debate of Bismarck’s impact upon Germany began almost immediately following his rise to prominence, as the primary initial historiography within Germany demanded a â€Å"strong man†[1], â€Å"who would cut the Gordian knot of nationalistic aspirations†. [2] Thus, German historians and the public throughout the 1850s and 1860s desired Bismarck to be portrayed as a benefactor to the German society; however Bismarck was also criticised as being detrimental to the development of Germany. The differing interpretations of Bismarck throughout the 1980s were â€Å"between the kleindeutsche and gro? eutshe historians†. We will write a custom essay sample on The Bismarck or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page [3] As the kleindeutsche historians argued that the unification was a â€Å"natural birth†, the gro? deutshe viewed it as a â€Å"caesarean section†. [4] The kleindeutshe school of though was largely composed of nationalist historians Heinrich von Sybel and Treitschke. Treitschke argued that the subjection of Germany was an inevitable price of unification[5], countering Mommsen’s critique arguing that â€Å"the injury done by the Bismarckian era is infinitely greater than its benefits†¦the subjugation of the German spirit was a misfortune which cannot be undone†. 6] The nationalist-liberal interpretation of Bismarck was reflected significantly in the publications of the late 19th Century historians as for these historians, â€Å"Bismarck became the man with the masterplan†[7], and thus following the unification in 1871 â€Å"there was a feeling of fulfilment amongst historians†¦the status quo had to be supported†. [8] The impact of the historian’s context is clearly shown as â€Å"early biographies by German historians also show us the extent to which the political Zeitgeist made them distort the picture of Bismarck†. 9] The sources available to the historians of the 1880s and 1890s also influenced their interpretation of Bismarck as â€Å"the documents were chosen by Bismarck himself†[10], which has been clearly shown to have impacted upon the writings of the German nationalist historian, Sybel, as Sybel’s writings were checked by Bismarck prior to publication. [11] Thus, as a result of the impact of sources and context, Sybel portrayed Bismarck as a good servant who did his duty to his nation. 12] The writings of the late 19th Century, 1871 to the early 20th Century 1910 were significantly influenced by the nationalist-liberal interpretation of the time and context. The German defeat in the First World War, in 1918 was expected to have created a revision in German historiography however, this was not the case[13], as the failures of WWI were averted and blamed on others through the â€Å"Stab in the back† ideology, the Bismarck myth did not become tainted. The roots of the myth of Bismarck were planted throughout the 1920s as â€Å"German historians of the twenties and thirties were driven by the idea of giving their countrymen an unchallengeable hero in Bismarck†. [14] The struggles of the German nation following the defeat in WWI and the social and political revolution resulted in Germany needing Bismarck â€Å"to provide courage and orientation†, and thus the manufactured interpretation of Bismarck was one of guidance and success. 15] Publications throughout this time were limited; however the ability to understand Bismarck’s impact was extensively amplified as â€Å"new documents were released from the foreign office archives†. [16] Thus as a result of the flourish of foreign policy research, the 1920 interpretation of Bismarck’s foreign policy portrayed it as â€Å"an example of modesty and wisdom†. [17] The writings of Emil Ludwig, Geschichte eines Kampfers in 1928 substantiates this roma ntic and savour view of Bismarck, as â€Å"Bismarck’s life is portrayed as an ancient Greek drama with a Faustian hero†. [18] The historiography surrounding Bismarck was significantly altered following the collapse of the Weimar Republic and the subsequent rise of the Nazis, as the Nazi regime constantly utilised Bismarck to justify themselves. They â€Å"found willing executioners in historians like Marcks to interpret their value-system in Bismarckian terms†. [19] The Nazis manipulated Bismarck and Bismarck’s historical legacy to benefit them as â€Å"on the ‘Day of Potsdam’, where he (Hitler) glowingly praised his predecessor’s work which had, in his view, started the ‘ascent’ of the German people†. 20] Hitler aimed at creating links with Bismarck to justify his expansionary foreign policy, such as the Anschluss in 1938, and to gain credit and popularity through association with Bismarck. The influence of the rise of Nazism upon historiography is highlighted by Wilhelm Mommsen, originally a Republican[21], as he wrote Politische Geschichte von Bismarc k bis zur Gegenwart 1850 – 1933, (1935), linking Bismarck to Hitler. Mommsen argued that â€Å"the first generation fulfilled the yearnings of the Germans and built the empire under Bismarck’s guidance,†¦. he second ossified†¦and the third grew up in the war and built a country that, though connected with Bismarck’s creation, also outgrew it in many ways†. [22] Mommsen argued for the Third Reich to have completed the structural complexities of society and industry that Bismarck had created. The writings of Bismarck became linked to Hitler as a result of the context in which historians wrote, firstly in one of persecution and censorship, however, German historians were not opponents of Hitler, and thus manipulated the history of Bismarck to benefit the Nazi Regime, of which they favoured. 23] Following the collapse of the Third Reich after the Second World War in 1945, â€Å"Bismarck, the creator of the nation, was bound to be seen differentlyâ € . [24] Friedrich Meinecke argued that historians should adopt entirely new perspectives regarding Germany’s past, â€Å"the staggering course of the First, and still more the Second World War no longer permits the question to be ignored whether the seeds of later evil were not already present in the Bismarckian Reich†. 25] Whilst there was a negative assessment of Bismarck’s role in the path of atrocities, German historians also â€Å"preferred to hark back to Bismarck’s greatness to show up the depth of failure among his successors†. [26] Due to the actions of Hitler and the Nazi state, the role of Bismarck was investigated as to how far he enabled the dictatorial powers and influenced the structures of war, which were experienced throughout Europe and as substantiated by Hans Hallmann, â€Å"the question for German historians after the Second World War was, therefore: how should one write about Bismarck after Hitler? [27] The criticism was largely influenced by the context of which the historians were writing in, as the collapse of the Reich signalled a supposed failure in Bismarck, and questioned his success intentions, as â€Å"criticism of Bismarck centred rather unrealistically on the problem of deciding whether a German nation-state or a German-dominated Central Europe should have been created†[28]. A. J. P. Taylor’s, Bismarck: the man and the statesman written in 1955, typified post war historical thought, questioning the role of Bismarck in the collapse of democracy. Taylor contrasted the critical nature of Bismarck arguing for the general success of Bismarck. Taylor’s British context allowed him to keep â€Å"a healthy distance from the Bismarck myth†, which resulted in the influencing of many German historians[29], and thus enabled perspective. He argued for the understanding of Bismarck as a manipulator, due to his ability to avert problematic confrontations, as â€Å"on such occasions one can see not only Bismarck’s great intellectual gifts, but a manipulative emotional intelligence†. 30] Taylor utilised psychoanalysis of Bismarck to explain the factors impacting upon his policies, and as argued by Urbach was â€Å"especially effective in describing Bismarck’s youth†. [31] Through utilising a differing methodology of historical examination, Taylor received and portrayed a differing perspective of Bismarck and Bismarck’s role in Germany, portraying Bismarck as â€Å"a man who wanted peace for h is country and helped to give Europe such peace for forty years†[32], whilst the majority of his countrymen would associate Bismarck with ‘iron, three wars and as the predecessor of Hitler’†. 33] The â€Å"revival of respect and even veneration for Bismarck†[34] was countered significantly in the â€Å"passionately partisan criticism of Bismarck’s work†[35], Bismarck and German Empire (1963) of Erich Eyck. Eyck was typically a liberal historian, and thus opposed Bismarck, from â€Å"the standpoint of iustitia fundamentum regnorum†, arguing that justice should be the major foundation of governance, as Eyck wrote â€Å"in the tradition of the great liberal opponents of Bismarck†[36]. Eyck argues that Bismarck was the â€Å"hero of violent genius†[37], through his 3 volume biography of which is greatly influenced by his liberal standpoint and historical context of persecution by Hitler, and his background as a lawyer as he â€Å"despised Bismarck’s lack of respect for the rule of law†. [38] Eyck continually criticised Bismarck’s detrimental impact upon liberalism within Germany and â€Å"passionately condemned Bismarck’s cynicism towards liberal, democratic and humanitarian ideals†[39], which he states to have â€Å"incapacitated the people†. 40][41] Bismarck and German Empire influenced the historiography of the Bismarckian topic among German and international historians, presenting â€Å"an interpretation neoconservative in nature†. [42] This criticism of Bismarck has influenced the German historian, Hans Rothfels, whom followed Eyck, arguing that â€Å"Eyck’s belief in a ‘liberal optionâ€⠄¢ for a united Germany was not justified, that no one but Bismarck could have united Germany†. [43] Fritz Fischer’s Germanys Aims in the First World War (1968) signalled the â€Å"first significant German historian to blame Germany for starting the war†[44]. Fritz Fischer’s publication significantly demonized Bismarck and Bismarck’s Germany, arguing for the path that Bismarck had essentially led the path to the German cause of the First World War. Fischer’s writings and interpretation of Bismarck largely contradicted the mainstream views of Bismarck and Bismarck’s Germany, and as substantiated by Feuchtwanger, â€Å"It contradicted much of the work done in Germany on the war guilt question and caused great controversy†[45]. The controversial nature of Fischer’s publication resulted however in a flow of reassessments of his original publications, still maintaining the criticism of Bismarck and resulting in a â€Å"massive attack on Bismarck’s creation†. [46] The flow of secondary publications created a Fischer school of historical thought, which â€Å"stood on the political left and its opponents on the political right†[47]. Through the publication of Fritz Fischer’s Germanys Aims in the First World War, the German historian utilized â€Å"political, economic, social and cultural evidence†[48], to persuade and research, thus creating a revision of historiography. The debate between Fischer and the right created significant disruption within the history fraternity, as â€Å"The left, who believed in critical social history, felt cheated because†¦the historical establishment strongly resisted their new and much more critical view of German history†. 49] The Fischer school of historical thought was extensively revised in the 1980s, of which Bruce Waller refers to as the ‘conservative 1980s’[50]. Edgar Feuchtwanger claims, â€Å"Revisionism provokes further revision†[51], as â€Å"German historians and the population in general began to view the past more reverently†[52]. The political complexities of the Bismarckian era influenced and resulted in a change of interpretations of Bismarck Bismarck’s Germany, as moves to the more political right occurred, and thus a return to a more approving view of Bismarck was undertaken. Through one of the most revered and respected historians on Bismarck, Otto Pflanze’s trilogy Bismarck and the Development of Germany (1963, but reprinted and reassessed in 1990), significant in grounds have been made to the overall historical value of the Bismarckian era. Bismarck’s assessment was, as argued by Kraehe, â€Å"taking into particular account the work of Helmut Bohme†[53], whom Pflanze critiques, â€Å"Bohme’s account of the relationship between economic and political forces in domestic politics during the period of unification also appears overstated†. 54] Pflanze argues against the typical liberal-nationalist interpretation arguing â€Å"the primacy of political and individual action†,[55] continuing against the nationalist sentiment of early German historians in arguing that â€Å"the war of 1866 was neither inevitable nor necessary†. [56] Pflanze significantly impacted upon historiography, contrasting the Fischer appro ach to German and Bismarckian history, although still remaining critical of Bismarck and Bismarck’s Germany. Kraehe argues that to Pflanze, â€Å"Bismarck was always larger than life†[57], due to the immense coverage and detail provided in Pflanze’s trilogy. Pflanze uses differing concepts of investigation to outline the Bismarckian era, as outlined by Waller, â€Å"Pflanze uses psychological insight and works with Freudian concepts†. [58] Pflanze in essence portrays a structuralist interpretation of Bismarck’s unification and impact, arguing that Bismarck took taking advantage of certain opportunities, â€Å"Pflanze stresses Bismarck’s flexibility, his concern to keep options open†[59]. Pflanze’s changed views of Bismarckian historiography can be seen due to his â€Å"return to the sources†[60], and thus uses a â€Å"psychological history†[61], hich as Urbach concludes, enabled him to â€Å"analyse in detail†. [62] Pflanze openly argued for the structuralist interpretation of Bismarck, within the nature of Bismarck’s opportunism and manipulation of events, rather than intentionally staging events. [63] The 1980s biography Bismarck: The White Revolutionary, by Lothar Gall sig nificantly impacted upon the historiography of Bismarck and Bismarck’s Germany, as Waller describes, â€Å"It is probably the most searching biography we have†. 64] Lothar Gall portrays Bismarck as a revolutionary, however conservative in nature. As highlighted by Bruce Waller, Gall wrote Bismarck: The White Revolutionary â€Å"to counter the school of historians whom the individual matters little†, and thus like Pflanze investigated the implications of an individual upon a society. Whilst, â€Å"unlike Pflanze, Gall did not uncover new sources† he utilised the analysis of existing Bismarckian sources to investigate the true impact of Bismarck upon 19th Century Germany. 65] Whilst Waller points out that â€Å"most historians, but not the majority of students, have now consigned the view of Bismarck as a reactionary to history’s dust bin†, Gall’s major investigation was to highlight the reactionary nature of Bismarck’s role as c hancellor. [66] Gall’s 1980 biography was aiming to â€Å"describe the circumstances the chancellor faced and then to see the way he reacted to them†[67], and as highlighted by Urbach, â€Å"Gall wanted to show how Bismarck, when faced with developments he had not created himself, turned them to his advantage†. 68] Thus, due to Galls idealisation that Bismarck was a reactionary, he â€Å"portrayed him after 1871 as the Zauberlehrling (sorcerer’s apprentice)†[69], arguing that he had lost his magic touch, an argument that may have been â€Å"the most devastating criticism of the man yet†. [70] Thus Gall portrayed Bismarck as a chancellor that â€Å"was not the great genius who knew and guessed it all well in advance†[71], as â€Å"Gall argues that the iron chancellor conjured up powers – nationalism, liberalism, and economic modernisation – which spun out of control and that therefore what he achieved was not what he had striven for†. 72] Gall’s interpretation of Bismarck has been seen as largely critical, however still remains a significant German interpretation, countering the initial nationalist-liberal interpretations portraying Bismarck as totally in charge, whilst also countering the arguments that Bismarck’s planning was the leeway for Hitler’s ascendancy and dictatorship. In essence Gall identified Bismarck’s accomplishment as â€Å"imperfect and – to a point – unintended†. 73] As noted by Urbach, Bismarck himself hinted at his own imperfection, â€Å"one cannot possibly make history, although one can always learn from it how one should lead the political life of a great people in accordance with their development and their historical destiny†. [74] The Bismarckian historical debate was notably influenced by the writings of Ernst Engelberg, writing in the 1980s, and proposing an altered interpretation of Bismarck. Engelberg as a Marxist â€Å"interpreted the Reichsgrundung as a phase of social progress that helped the working class to develop from a national base†. 75][76] Whilst Waller argues that â€Å"Engelberg was a life-long communist and one of East Germany’s leading historians who in the past had insisted on strict Marxist history†[77], he argues that his biography of Bismarck is not fully weighted on Marxist ideology, â€Å"it additionally gives full weight to psychological and religious as well as to political and economic factors†. [78] Engelberg, like Gall, did not utilise his own research and discover new sources, as stated by Urbach, â€Å"Engelberg used much of the old research of Erich Marcks and A. O. Meyer†[79], however she continues by stating Engelberg â€Å"includes more analysis†. [80] Engelberg’s argument of Bismarck is similar, yet differing to Gall’s, as both historians â€Å"see Bismarck as someone who tried to control the current of the time and not as a creator†[81], and thus to some extent was critical of Bismarck’s power, however Engelberg also defended the power of Bismarck stating that â€Å"despite the machinations, Bismarck was far from acting like an adventurer†¦On the contrary his preparations†¦proved to be prudent†. 82][83] Waller states that Engelberg’s argument was influenced by â€Å"Prussianism†, highlighting Engelberg’s biography to be â€Å"Prussian to the extent of disparaging the attitudes and actions of other Germans, especially those who attempted to thwart Bismarck’s initiatives†. [84] Engelberg proposed a favourable interpretation of Bismarck in his 1980s biography, arguing that whilst his control was not always complete, his ability was. Engelberg critiqued the post war historiography arguing that Bismarck’s successors were â€Å"responsible for gambling away the inheritance†, and thus links made between Bismarck and the collapse of democracy were perverse. [85] The historical interpretations of Otto von Bismarck have undergone an extensive change, due to changing social and ideological contexts of historians that have assessed the chancellor and his impact upon Germany. The historical writings throughout time, from the early historians on Bismarck, such as Heinrich von Sybel, historians writing in the times of Nazism, and following the collapse of Nazism have all succeeded in assessing the personality and his impact, however were unable to emancipate themselves from their social and political contexts, and thus the interpretations of Bismarck have reflected these influences. 86] The most recent assessments of Bismarck have also significantly transformed the historiographical debate; however have successfully avoided being overly impacted upon by context, and thus present an emancipated history of Bismarck and his impact upon Germany. The flourishing debate over the Bismarckian era will result in continual changing interpretations of the statesman; however the discovery of new sources and evidence highlights the sequential move towards the objective portrayal of Otto von Bismarck and Bismarckian Germany. Word Count: 3072. [1] Urbach, Karina, (1998). Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1143 [2] Ibid. , p. 1143. [3] Ibid. , p. 1144. [4] Jaspers, Karl, (1960). Freiheit und Wiedervereinigung. Munich. Pp. 42 [5] Heinrich v. Treitschke. (1867 – 97) Historische und politische Aufsatze. 4 volumes. Leipzig, (1874 – 79) Zehn Jahre deutscher Kampfre: Schriften zur Tagespolitik 1865 – 1879). 2 volumes. Berlin. [6] Kohn, Hans, (1961). The mind of Germany: education of a nation. London. Pp 188 [7] Urbach, Karina, (1998). Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1144 [8] Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, (1976). Bismarck und der Imperialismus. Munich. Pp. 15 [9] Ibid. , p. 1144. [10] Seier, Helmut, â€Å"Heinrich v Sybel†, in Wehler, Deutsche Historiker. Pp. 144 [11] Ibid. , p. 144. [12] Urbach, Karina, (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. , p. 1145. 13] There were only a few critical voices emerging. For example: Johannes Ziekursch, Politische Geschichte des neuen deutschen Kaiserreiches (3 volumes. Frankfurt. 1925 – 1930); Ulrich Noack, Bismarcks Friedenspolitik (Leipzig 1928). [14] Zmarzlik. Das Bismarckbild. Pp. 19. [15] Urbach, Karina, (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. , p. 1148. [16] Ibid. , p. 1148. [17] Rothfels, Hans, (1924). Bismarck’s englische Bundnispolitik. Berlin. [18] Urbach, Karina, (1998). Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. , p. 1149. [19] Ibid. , p. 1150 [20] Ibid. , p. 1150 [21] Meaning he was in favour of the Weimar Republic, which collapsed in 1933, resulting in Hitler’s ascendancy [22] Mommsen, Wilhelm, (1935). Politische Geschichte von Bismarck bis zur Gegenwart 1850 – 1933. Frankfurt. Pp. 252 [23] Urbach, Karina, (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 998 Cambridge University Press. , p. 1151. [24] Quoted from Gall, ed. , â€Å"Geschiechtsschreibung†, pp9 [25] Meinecke, Friedrich (1946). â€Å"Die deutsche Katastrophe: Betrachtungen und Erinnerungen†. Wiesbaden. Pp. 26. [26] Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2001) Imperial Germany 1850-1918. New York and London: Routledge [27] Hallmann, Hans (1972). â€Å"Revision des Bismarckbildes : die Diskussion der deutschen Fachhistoriker 1945-1955†. Darmstadt [28] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 41. [29] Urbach, Karina (1998). Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1154 [30] Ibid. , p. 1154. [31] Ibid. , p. 1154. [32] Taylor interview with the Westdeutscher Reundfunk, 31 March 1965 [33] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1154 [34] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. [35] Sturmer, Michael (1971). â€Å"Bismarck in Perspective†, Central European History 4. Vermont. [36] Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2001) Imperial Germany 1850-1918. New York and London: Routledge [37] Footnotes 11 of Michael Sturmer [38] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1142 [39] Ibid. , p. 1142. [40] Quoted in Schoeps, Hans-Joachim (1964). â€Å"Unbewaltigte Geshichte: Stationen deutchen Schicksals seit 1793†. Berlin. Pp 108 [41] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp. 1142 [42] Sturmer, Michael (1971). â€Å"Bismarck in Perspective†, Central European History 4. Vermont. [43] Ibid. , p. 1143. [44] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. [45] Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2001) Imperial Germany 1850-1918. New York and London: Routledge [46] Waller, Bruce (1998). Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 41. [47] Ibid. , p. 41. [48] Ibid. , p. 41. [49] Ibid. , p. 41. [50] Ibid. , p. 41. [51] Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2001) Imperial Germany 1850-1918. New York and London: Routledge [52] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarckâ € . History Review March 1998 [53] Kraehe, Enno, (1990). ‘Review Article on Otto Pflanze’s Bismarck Trilogy’, Central European History, 23, 4. Emory University Press, Atlanta. , p. 369 [54] Pflanze, Otto, (1968). Another Crisis among German historians? Helmut Bohme’s Deutchlands Weg zur Grossmacht. Journal of Modern History 40. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. , p. 125. [55] Kraehe, Enno, (1990). ‘Review Article on Otto Pflanze’s Bismarck Trilogy’, Central European History, 23, 4. Emory University Press, Atlanta. , p. 369. [56] Ibid. , p. 369. [57] Ibid. , p. 369. [58] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. [59] Ibid. , p. 43. [60] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1156 [61] Ibid. , p. 1156. [62] Ibid. , p. 1156. [63] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [64] Ibid. , p. 42. [65] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Rev iew, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1157 [66] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [67] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1157 [68] Ibid. , p. 1157. [69] Ibid. , p. 1157. [70] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [71] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1157 [72] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [73] Ibid. , p. 42. [74] Bismarck’s statement of 1892, quoted in Pflanze. â€Å"Period of unification†. Pp. 16 [75] Urbach, K arina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cam Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1158 [76] Quoted from Wolter, Heinz, (1983) Bismarcks Au? enpolitick, 1871-1881. East Berlin. Pp. 5 [77] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [78] Ibid. , p. 42. [79] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1158 [80] Ibid. , p. 1158 [81] Ibid. , p. 1158 [82] Ernst Engelberg, â€Å"Zur politischen Vorbereitung des Krieges†, in G. Seeber and K. Noack, eds. , Preu? en in der Geschichte nach 1789. (1983). East Berlin. Pp. 03 [83] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1158 [84] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s gr eatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [85] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1158 [86] Ibid. , p. 1160.

How to Answer the How Would You Fire Someone Interview Question

How to Answer the How Would You Fire Someone Interview Question It sounds counterintuitive to discuss firings in a job interview, right? Ordinarily, you might be asked to explain any firings in your own past- but you might also be faced with a question about firing others. Have you done it? How did you do it? If you haven’t done it, could you do it? How would you do it? Pretty macabre turn for the interview to take, but if it happens, don’t sweat it- here are some strategies you can use. DO understand why you’re being asked.It’s unlikely that the interviewer is thirsty for corporate blood, and looking for a kindred spirit. Rather, firing people is an unfortunate fact of life at any company. If you’re interviewing for any kind of management position, or a position that has the potential to grow into management level, it’s a valid test of your future management skills.If you recoil and say, â€Å"Oh, I could never fire anyone,† you could look like a pushover. If you go the opposite way and talk about how much you love firing people, you could come off more like a sociopath than a tough boss.DON’T try to seem like a shark.This isn’t a test to see how badass you can be. It’s a test to see how you would handle a real-life situation. You don’t get extra points for making the metaphorical fired person cry, so make sure you keep a neutral, professional tone. Very few companies are looking for a tyrant to fill a position.DO emphasize that you wouldn’t arrive at the decision lightly.Make sure the interviewer knows that you would monitor the situation closely, and fire someone as a last resort. This is kind of a backdoor test of your problem-solving skills. If you have a real-life example of having to fire someone in the past, talk about the process that led up to the decision, and how you handled it. If it didn’t have a great outcome, don’t lie- talk about what you’d do differently in the future.DON’T run down a laundry lis t of everyone you’ve fired.If you’ve left a ton of firings in your wake, that could be a major red flag for the interviewer: why has this person made so many bad hiring decisions that led to necessary firings? Instead of running that risk, use specific relevant examples that show the firing as a good management decision for the benefit of the company and/or your team. The interviewer is most interested in process here, so pick quality examples that don’t make you look like a manager who can’t manage a competent and harmonious team.DON’T be mean if you’re asked to â€Å"fire† the interviewer.If you’re asked to give a demonstration of a potential firing, be sure to be firm with the person and make the reasons clear. Don’t let the role-playing get loud or out of hand, even though it’s just for show. This is not the time to channel your inner Donald-Drumpf-circa-The Apprentice.So, to recap: be firm but empathetic in a ny examples you provide (real or hypothetical), and always emphasize the process you would use to arrive at the decision.

How Insulin Was Discovered

How Insulin Was Discovered The experiment that led to the initial discovery of insulin- the hormone manufactured in the pancreas that regulates the amount of glucose in the blood- almost didn’t happen. How Insulin Almost Wasnt Discovered For years scientists have suspected that the secret to controlling elevated levels of glucose lay in the inner reaches of the pancreas. And when, in 1920, a Canadian surgeon named Frederick Banting approached the head of the University of Toronto’s physiology department with an idea about finding that secret, he was initially rebuffed. Banting suspected a mysterious hormone was being produced in a section of the pancreas called the islets of Langerhans. He theorized that the hormone was getting destroyed by the pancreas’ digestive juices. If he could shut down the pancreas but keep the islets of Langerhans working, he might find the missing substance. Fortunately, Banting’s persuasive powers prevailed and department head John McLeod gave him lab space, 10 Langerhans hormone before it could be isolated. If he could stop the pancreas from working, but keep the islets of Langerhans going, he should be able to find the stuff!  experimental dogs, and a medical student assistant named Charles Best. By August of 1921, Banting and Best succeeded in extracting hormones from the islets of Langerhans- which they called insulin after the Latin word for island. When they injected the insulin into dogs with high blood sugar levels, those levels dropped quickly. With McLeod now taking an interest, the men worked quickly to duplicate the results and then set about running a test on a human subject, 14-year-old Leonard Thompson, who saw his blood sugar levels lower and his urine cleared of sugars. The team published there findings in 1923 and Banting and McLeod were awarded the Nobel Prize for Medicine (Banting shared his award money with Best).  On June 3, 1934,  Banting was knighted for his medical discovery. He was killed in an air crash in 1941.

Social Media as an Effective Marketing Channel Essay

Social Media as an Effective Marketing Channel - Essay Example This paper illustrates that there are many types of social media that help people communicate with each other and develop business relationships. However, social media mainly refers to the social networking websites that play a dynamic role in the personal and professional lives of people. Some of the main business benefits of using social media include the provision of an effective marketing platform, ability to reach large audiences, and improved customer service. Social networking websites are playing a valuable role as effective marketing channels for all types of companies whether large, small, or medium-sized. With the advent of the social media as an effective network for marketing and advertising, companies started using social networking websites for achieving the better response, as well as to provide customer service through an enhanced level of interaction with the customers of the company. â€Å"The main goal of social media marketing is to ensure high participation of target audience in campaigns and content shared by the company†. It is imperative for a company y to know the needs and demands of the customers for the provision of best products and services. Managers use a range of tools to gather required information because, without the information of customers’ requirements, it is not possible for a company to deliver customer value properly. Social media marketing helps managers and concerned employees in contacting the customers of the company directly to know their requirements and preferences. Today, many small and large companies form manufacturing and retail industries are focusing on the use social media marketing to customize their products in accordance with the customers’ preferences, as well as to deliver their message in a more effective and conventional way to the target audience. Social media marketing refers to marketing using social networking websites and other forms of social media.

Discussion Board 1-2 Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 1

Discussion Board 1-2 - Research Paper Example h a 2005 estimate showing more than 32 million Americans suffer addiction disorders (excluding tobacco addiction), more studies have become necessary (James & Gilliland, 2005). Over the years, public policies, especially those regarding alcoholic beverages established that the problem with alcohol use lies in the abuser and not the beverage. Although this stand shaped policies that either legalized or illegalized certain beverages, it also called for specialized ways to explain the etiology of addiction. However, none addressed the entire field of addiction comprehensively, neither were they dismissed as being incorrect. Therefore, experts in the field had to come up with more than one etiology, which served the mutual role of complementing each other. To that end, they came up with etiologies that attempted to explain addiction from various perspectives including moral, socio-cultural, psychological, disease and family. The most significant reason for having more than one etiology is for a wider and better understanding of addiction in an attempt to make plans in diagnosis and treatment as effective as possible. The scope of addiction itself is too wide f or a single etiology, with each aspect calling for its own kind of