The Bismarck free essay sample

The interpretation of Bismarck continued to change throughout the 1930s and 40s as a result of Nazism and the collapse of the Third Reich, the interpretations shifted, and throughout the 1960s, 70s and 80s the interpretation of Bismarck has become more balanced, not significantly influenced by political desires, whilst still influenced by social context. Through the study of historical debate focussing between the 1880s and 1980s, the changing interpretations of Bismarck can be illuminated and assessed. Historiographical debate of Bismarck’s impact upon Germany began almost immediately following his rise to prominence, as the primary initial historiography within Germany demanded a â€Å"strong man†[1], â€Å"who would cut the Gordian knot of nationalistic aspirations†. [2] Thus, German historians and the public throughout the 1850s and 1860s desired Bismarck to be portrayed as a benefactor to the German society; however Bismarck was also criticised as being detrimental to the development of Germany. The differing interpretations of Bismarck throughout the 1980s were â€Å"between the kleindeutsche and gro? eutshe historians†. We will write a custom essay sample on The Bismarck or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page [3] As the kleindeutsche historians argued that the unification was a â€Å"natural birth†, the gro? deutshe viewed it as a â€Å"caesarean section†. [4] The kleindeutshe school of though was largely composed of nationalist historians Heinrich von Sybel and Treitschke. Treitschke argued that the subjection of Germany was an inevitable price of unification[5], countering Mommsen’s critique arguing that â€Å"the injury done by the Bismarckian era is infinitely greater than its benefits†¦the subjugation of the German spirit was a misfortune which cannot be undone†. 6] The nationalist-liberal interpretation of Bismarck was reflected significantly in the publications of the late 19th Century historians as for these historians, â€Å"Bismarck became the man with the masterplan†[7], and thus following the unification in 1871 â€Å"there was a feeling of fulfilment amongst historians†¦the status quo had to be supported†. [8] The impact of the historian’s context is clearly shown as â€Å"early biographies by German historians also show us the extent to which the political Zeitgeist made them distort the picture of Bismarck†. 9] The sources available to the historians of the 1880s and 1890s also influenced their interpretation of Bismarck as â€Å"the documents were chosen by Bismarck himself†[10], which has been clearly shown to have impacted upon the writings of the German nationalist historian, Sybel, as Sybel’s writings were checked by Bismarck prior to publication. [11] Thus, as a result of the impact of sources and context, Sybel portrayed Bismarck as a good servant who did his duty to his nation. 12] The writings of the late 19th Century, 1871 to the early 20th Century 1910 were significantly influenced by the nationalist-liberal interpretation of the time and context. The German defeat in the First World War, in 1918 was expected to have created a revision in German historiography however, this was not the case[13], as the failures of WWI were averted and blamed on others through the â€Å"Stab in the back† ideology, the Bismarck myth did not become tainted. The roots of the myth of Bismarck were planted throughout the 1920s as â€Å"German historians of the twenties and thirties were driven by the idea of giving their countrymen an unchallengeable hero in Bismarck†. [14] The struggles of the German nation following the defeat in WWI and the social and political revolution resulted in Germany needing Bismarck â€Å"to provide courage and orientation†, and thus the manufactured interpretation of Bismarck was one of guidance and success. 15] Publications throughout this time were limited; however the ability to understand Bismarck’s impact was extensively amplified as â€Å"new documents were released from the foreign office archives†. [16] Thus as a result of the flourish of foreign policy research, the 1920 interpretation of Bismarck’s foreign policy portrayed it as â€Å"an example of modesty and wisdom†. [17] The writings of Emil Ludwig, Geschichte eines Kampfers in 1928 substantiates this roma ntic and savour view of Bismarck, as â€Å"Bismarck’s life is portrayed as an ancient Greek drama with a Faustian hero†. [18] The historiography surrounding Bismarck was significantly altered following the collapse of the Weimar Republic and the subsequent rise of the Nazis, as the Nazi regime constantly utilised Bismarck to justify themselves. They â€Å"found willing executioners in historians like Marcks to interpret their value-system in Bismarckian terms†. [19] The Nazis manipulated Bismarck and Bismarck’s historical legacy to benefit them as â€Å"on the ‘Day of Potsdam’, where he (Hitler) glowingly praised his predecessor’s work which had, in his view, started the ‘ascent’ of the German people†. 20] Hitler aimed at creating links with Bismarck to justify his expansionary foreign policy, such as the Anschluss in 1938, and to gain credit and popularity through association with Bismarck. The influence of the rise of Nazism upon historiography is highlighted by Wilhelm Mommsen, originally a Republican[21], as he wrote Politische Geschichte von Bismarc k bis zur Gegenwart 1850 – 1933, (1935), linking Bismarck to Hitler. Mommsen argued that â€Å"the first generation fulfilled the yearnings of the Germans and built the empire under Bismarck’s guidance,†¦. he second ossified†¦and the third grew up in the war and built a country that, though connected with Bismarck’s creation, also outgrew it in many ways†. [22] Mommsen argued for the Third Reich to have completed the structural complexities of society and industry that Bismarck had created. The writings of Bismarck became linked to Hitler as a result of the context in which historians wrote, firstly in one of persecution and censorship, however, German historians were not opponents of Hitler, and thus manipulated the history of Bismarck to benefit the Nazi Regime, of which they favoured. 23] Following the collapse of the Third Reich after the Second World War in 1945, â€Å"Bismarck, the creator of the nation, was bound to be seen differentlyâ € . [24] Friedrich Meinecke argued that historians should adopt entirely new perspectives regarding Germany’s past, â€Å"the staggering course of the First, and still more the Second World War no longer permits the question to be ignored whether the seeds of later evil were not already present in the Bismarckian Reich†. 25] Whilst there was a negative assessment of Bismarck’s role in the path of atrocities, German historians also â€Å"preferred to hark back to Bismarck’s greatness to show up the depth of failure among his successors†. [26] Due to the actions of Hitler and the Nazi state, the role of Bismarck was investigated as to how far he enabled the dictatorial powers and influenced the structures of war, which were experienced throughout Europe and as substantiated by Hans Hallmann, â€Å"the question for German historians after the Second World War was, therefore: how should one write about Bismarck after Hitler? [27] The criticism was largely influenced by the context of which the historians were writing in, as the collapse of the Reich signalled a supposed failure in Bismarck, and questioned his success intentions, as â€Å"criticism of Bismarck centred rather unrealistically on the problem of deciding whether a German nation-state or a German-dominated Central Europe should have been created†[28]. A. J. P. Taylor’s, Bismarck: the man and the statesman written in 1955, typified post war historical thought, questioning the role of Bismarck in the collapse of democracy. Taylor contrasted the critical nature of Bismarck arguing for the general success of Bismarck. Taylor’s British context allowed him to keep â€Å"a healthy distance from the Bismarck myth†, which resulted in the influencing of many German historians[29], and thus enabled perspective. He argued for the understanding of Bismarck as a manipulator, due to his ability to avert problematic confrontations, as â€Å"on such occasions one can see not only Bismarck’s great intellectual gifts, but a manipulative emotional intelligence†. 30] Taylor utilised psychoanalysis of Bismarck to explain the factors impacting upon his policies, and as argued by Urbach was â€Å"especially effective in describing Bismarck’s youth†. [31] Through utilising a differing methodology of historical examination, Taylor received and portrayed a differing perspective of Bismarck and Bismarck’s role in Germany, portraying Bismarck as â€Å"a man who wanted peace for h is country and helped to give Europe such peace for forty years†[32], whilst the majority of his countrymen would associate Bismarck with ‘iron, three wars and as the predecessor of Hitler’†. 33] The â€Å"revival of respect and even veneration for Bismarck†[34] was countered significantly in the â€Å"passionately partisan criticism of Bismarck’s work†[35], Bismarck and German Empire (1963) of Erich Eyck. Eyck was typically a liberal historian, and thus opposed Bismarck, from â€Å"the standpoint of iustitia fundamentum regnorum†, arguing that justice should be the major foundation of governance, as Eyck wrote â€Å"in the tradition of the great liberal opponents of Bismarck†[36]. Eyck argues that Bismarck was the â€Å"hero of violent genius†[37], through his 3 volume biography of which is greatly influenced by his liberal standpoint and historical context of persecution by Hitler, and his background as a lawyer as he â€Å"despised Bismarck’s lack of respect for the rule of law†. [38] Eyck continually criticised Bismarck’s detrimental impact upon liberalism within Germany and â€Å"passionately condemned Bismarck’s cynicism towards liberal, democratic and humanitarian ideals†[39], which he states to have â€Å"incapacitated the people†. 40][41] Bismarck and German Empire influenced the historiography of the Bismarckian topic among German and international historians, presenting â€Å"an interpretation neoconservative in nature†. [42] This criticism of Bismarck has influenced the German historian, Hans Rothfels, whom followed Eyck, arguing that â€Å"Eyck’s belief in a ‘liberal optionâ€⠄¢ for a united Germany was not justified, that no one but Bismarck could have united Germany†. [43] Fritz Fischer’s Germanys Aims in the First World War (1968) signalled the â€Å"first significant German historian to blame Germany for starting the war†[44]. Fritz Fischer’s publication significantly demonized Bismarck and Bismarck’s Germany, arguing for the path that Bismarck had essentially led the path to the German cause of the First World War. Fischer’s writings and interpretation of Bismarck largely contradicted the mainstream views of Bismarck and Bismarck’s Germany, and as substantiated by Feuchtwanger, â€Å"It contradicted much of the work done in Germany on the war guilt question and caused great controversy†[45]. The controversial nature of Fischer’s publication resulted however in a flow of reassessments of his original publications, still maintaining the criticism of Bismarck and resulting in a â€Å"massive attack on Bismarck’s creation†. [46] The flow of secondary publications created a Fischer school of historical thought, which â€Å"stood on the political left and its opponents on the political right†[47]. Through the publication of Fritz Fischer’s Germanys Aims in the First World War, the German historian utilized â€Å"political, economic, social and cultural evidence†[48], to persuade and research, thus creating a revision of historiography. The debate between Fischer and the right created significant disruption within the history fraternity, as â€Å"The left, who believed in critical social history, felt cheated because†¦the historical establishment strongly resisted their new and much more critical view of German history†. 49] The Fischer school of historical thought was extensively revised in the 1980s, of which Bruce Waller refers to as the ‘conservative 1980s’[50]. Edgar Feuchtwanger claims, â€Å"Revisionism provokes further revision†[51], as â€Å"German historians and the population in general began to view the past more reverently†[52]. The political complexities of the Bismarckian era influenced and resulted in a change of interpretations of Bismarck Bismarck’s Germany, as moves to the more political right occurred, and thus a return to a more approving view of Bismarck was undertaken. Through one of the most revered and respected historians on Bismarck, Otto Pflanze’s trilogy Bismarck and the Development of Germany (1963, but reprinted and reassessed in 1990), significant in grounds have been made to the overall historical value of the Bismarckian era. Bismarck’s assessment was, as argued by Kraehe, â€Å"taking into particular account the work of Helmut Bohme†[53], whom Pflanze critiques, â€Å"Bohme’s account of the relationship between economic and political forces in domestic politics during the period of unification also appears overstated†. 54] Pflanze argues against the typical liberal-nationalist interpretation arguing â€Å"the primacy of political and individual action†,[55] continuing against the nationalist sentiment of early German historians in arguing that â€Å"the war of 1866 was neither inevitable nor necessary†. [56] Pflanze significantly impacted upon historiography, contrasting the Fischer appro ach to German and Bismarckian history, although still remaining critical of Bismarck and Bismarck’s Germany. Kraehe argues that to Pflanze, â€Å"Bismarck was always larger than life†[57], due to the immense coverage and detail provided in Pflanze’s trilogy. Pflanze uses differing concepts of investigation to outline the Bismarckian era, as outlined by Waller, â€Å"Pflanze uses psychological insight and works with Freudian concepts†. [58] Pflanze in essence portrays a structuralist interpretation of Bismarck’s unification and impact, arguing that Bismarck took taking advantage of certain opportunities, â€Å"Pflanze stresses Bismarck’s flexibility, his concern to keep options open†[59]. Pflanze’s changed views of Bismarckian historiography can be seen due to his â€Å"return to the sources†[60], and thus uses a â€Å"psychological history†[61], hich as Urbach concludes, enabled him to â€Å"analyse in detail†. [62] Pflanze openly argued for the structuralist interpretation of Bismarck, within the nature of Bismarck’s opportunism and manipulation of events, rather than intentionally staging events. [63] The 1980s biography Bismarck: The White Revolutionary, by Lothar Gall sig nificantly impacted upon the historiography of Bismarck and Bismarck’s Germany, as Waller describes, â€Å"It is probably the most searching biography we have†. 64] Lothar Gall portrays Bismarck as a revolutionary, however conservative in nature. As highlighted by Bruce Waller, Gall wrote Bismarck: The White Revolutionary â€Å"to counter the school of historians whom the individual matters little†, and thus like Pflanze investigated the implications of an individual upon a society. Whilst, â€Å"unlike Pflanze, Gall did not uncover new sources† he utilised the analysis of existing Bismarckian sources to investigate the true impact of Bismarck upon 19th Century Germany. 65] Whilst Waller points out that â€Å"most historians, but not the majority of students, have now consigned the view of Bismarck as a reactionary to history’s dust bin†, Gall’s major investigation was to highlight the reactionary nature of Bismarck’s role as c hancellor. [66] Gall’s 1980 biography was aiming to â€Å"describe the circumstances the chancellor faced and then to see the way he reacted to them†[67], and as highlighted by Urbach, â€Å"Gall wanted to show how Bismarck, when faced with developments he had not created himself, turned them to his advantage†. 68] Thus, due to Galls idealisation that Bismarck was a reactionary, he â€Å"portrayed him after 1871 as the Zauberlehrling (sorcerer’s apprentice)†[69], arguing that he had lost his magic touch, an argument that may have been â€Å"the most devastating criticism of the man yet†. [70] Thus Gall portrayed Bismarck as a chancellor that â€Å"was not the great genius who knew and guessed it all well in advance†[71], as â€Å"Gall argues that the iron chancellor conjured up powers – nationalism, liberalism, and economic modernisation – which spun out of control and that therefore what he achieved was not what he had striven for†. 72] Gall’s interpretation of Bismarck has been seen as largely critical, however still remains a significant German interpretation, countering the initial nationalist-liberal interpretations portraying Bismarck as totally in charge, whilst also countering the arguments that Bismarck’s planning was the leeway for Hitler’s ascendancy and dictatorship. In essence Gall identified Bismarck’s accomplishment as â€Å"imperfect and – to a point – unintended†. 73] As noted by Urbach, Bismarck himself hinted at his own imperfection, â€Å"one cannot possibly make history, although one can always learn from it how one should lead the political life of a great people in accordance with their development and their historical destiny†. [74] The Bismarckian historical debate was notably influenced by the writings of Ernst Engelberg, writing in the 1980s, and proposing an altered interpretation of Bismarck. Engelberg as a Marxist â€Å"interpreted the Reichsgrundung as a phase of social progress that helped the working class to develop from a national base†. 75][76] Whilst Waller argues that â€Å"Engelberg was a life-long communist and one of East Germany’s leading historians who in the past had insisted on strict Marxist history†[77], he argues that his biography of Bismarck is not fully weighted on Marxist ideology, â€Å"it additionally gives full weight to psychological and religious as well as to political and economic factors†. [78] Engelberg, like Gall, did not utilise his own research and discover new sources, as stated by Urbach, â€Å"Engelberg used much of the old research of Erich Marcks and A. O. Meyer†[79], however she continues by stating Engelberg â€Å"includes more analysis†. [80] Engelberg’s argument of Bismarck is similar, yet differing to Gall’s, as both historians â€Å"see Bismarck as someone who tried to control the current of the time and not as a creator†[81], and thus to some extent was critical of Bismarck’s power, however Engelberg also defended the power of Bismarck stating that â€Å"despite the machinations, Bismarck was far from acting like an adventurer†¦On the contrary his preparations†¦proved to be prudent†. 82][83] Waller states that Engelberg’s argument was influenced by â€Å"Prussianism†, highlighting Engelberg’s biography to be â€Å"Prussian to the extent of disparaging the attitudes and actions of other Germans, especially those who attempted to thwart Bismarck’s initiatives†. [84] Engelberg proposed a favourable interpretation of Bismarck in his 1980s biography, arguing that whilst his control was not always complete, his ability was. Engelberg critiqued the post war historiography arguing that Bismarck’s successors were â€Å"responsible for gambling away the inheritance†, and thus links made between Bismarck and the collapse of democracy were perverse. [85] The historical interpretations of Otto von Bismarck have undergone an extensive change, due to changing social and ideological contexts of historians that have assessed the chancellor and his impact upon Germany. The historical writings throughout time, from the early historians on Bismarck, such as Heinrich von Sybel, historians writing in the times of Nazism, and following the collapse of Nazism have all succeeded in assessing the personality and his impact, however were unable to emancipate themselves from their social and political contexts, and thus the interpretations of Bismarck have reflected these influences. 86] The most recent assessments of Bismarck have also significantly transformed the historiographical debate; however have successfully avoided being overly impacted upon by context, and thus present an emancipated history of Bismarck and his impact upon Germany. The flourishing debate over the Bismarckian era will result in continual changing interpretations of the statesman; however the discovery of new sources and evidence highlights the sequential move towards the objective portrayal of Otto von Bismarck and Bismarckian Germany. Word Count: 3072. [1] Urbach, Karina, (1998). Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1143 [2] Ibid. , p. 1143. [3] Ibid. , p. 1144. [4] Jaspers, Karl, (1960). Freiheit und Wiedervereinigung. Munich. Pp. 42 [5] Heinrich v. Treitschke. (1867 – 97) Historische und politische Aufsatze. 4 volumes. Leipzig, (1874 – 79) Zehn Jahre deutscher Kampfre: Schriften zur Tagespolitik 1865 – 1879). 2 volumes. Berlin. [6] Kohn, Hans, (1961). The mind of Germany: education of a nation. London. Pp 188 [7] Urbach, Karina, (1998). Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1144 [8] Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, (1976). Bismarck und der Imperialismus. Munich. Pp. 15 [9] Ibid. , p. 1144. [10] Seier, Helmut, â€Å"Heinrich v Sybel†, in Wehler, Deutsche Historiker. Pp. 144 [11] Ibid. , p. 144. [12] Urbach, Karina, (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. , p. 1145. 13] There were only a few critical voices emerging. For example: Johannes Ziekursch, Politische Geschichte des neuen deutschen Kaiserreiches (3 volumes. Frankfurt. 1925 – 1930); Ulrich Noack, Bismarcks Friedenspolitik (Leipzig 1928). [14] Zmarzlik. Das Bismarckbild. Pp. 19. [15] Urbach, Karina, (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. , p. 1148. [16] Ibid. , p. 1148. [17] Rothfels, Hans, (1924). Bismarck’s englische Bundnispolitik. Berlin. [18] Urbach, Karina, (1998). Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. , p. 1149. [19] Ibid. , p. 1150 [20] Ibid. , p. 1150 [21] Meaning he was in favour of the Weimar Republic, which collapsed in 1933, resulting in Hitler’s ascendancy [22] Mommsen, Wilhelm, (1935). Politische Geschichte von Bismarck bis zur Gegenwart 1850 – 1933. Frankfurt. Pp. 252 [23] Urbach, Karina, (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 998 Cambridge University Press. , p. 1151. [24] Quoted from Gall, ed. , â€Å"Geschiechtsschreibung†, pp9 [25] Meinecke, Friedrich (1946). â€Å"Die deutsche Katastrophe: Betrachtungen und Erinnerungen†. Wiesbaden. Pp. 26. [26] Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2001) Imperial Germany 1850-1918. New York and London: Routledge [27] Hallmann, Hans (1972). â€Å"Revision des Bismarckbildes : die Diskussion der deutschen Fachhistoriker 1945-1955†. Darmstadt [28] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 41. [29] Urbach, Karina (1998). Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1154 [30] Ibid. , p. 1154. [31] Ibid. , p. 1154. [32] Taylor interview with the Westdeutscher Reundfunk, 31 March 1965 [33] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1154 [34] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. [35] Sturmer, Michael (1971). â€Å"Bismarck in Perspective†, Central European History 4. Vermont. [36] Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2001) Imperial Germany 1850-1918. New York and London: Routledge [37] Footnotes 11 of Michael Sturmer [38] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1142 [39] Ibid. , p. 1142. [40] Quoted in Schoeps, Hans-Joachim (1964). â€Å"Unbewaltigte Geshichte: Stationen deutchen Schicksals seit 1793†. Berlin. Pp 108 [41] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp. 1142 [42] Sturmer, Michael (1971). â€Å"Bismarck in Perspective†, Central European History 4. Vermont. [43] Ibid. , p. 1143. [44] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. [45] Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2001) Imperial Germany 1850-1918. New York and London: Routledge [46] Waller, Bruce (1998). Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 41. [47] Ibid. , p. 41. [48] Ibid. , p. 41. [49] Ibid. , p. 41. [50] Ibid. , p. 41. [51] Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2001) Imperial Germany 1850-1918. New York and London: Routledge [52] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarckâ € . History Review March 1998 [53] Kraehe, Enno, (1990). ‘Review Article on Otto Pflanze’s Bismarck Trilogy’, Central European History, 23, 4. Emory University Press, Atlanta. , p. 369 [54] Pflanze, Otto, (1968). Another Crisis among German historians? Helmut Bohme’s Deutchlands Weg zur Grossmacht. Journal of Modern History 40. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. , p. 125. [55] Kraehe, Enno, (1990). ‘Review Article on Otto Pflanze’s Bismarck Trilogy’, Central European History, 23, 4. Emory University Press, Atlanta. , p. 369. [56] Ibid. , p. 369. [57] Ibid. , p. 369. [58] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. [59] Ibid. , p. 43. [60] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1156 [61] Ibid. , p. 1156. [62] Ibid. , p. 1156. [63] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [64] Ibid. , p. 42. [65] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Rev iew, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1157 [66] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [67] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1157 [68] Ibid. , p. 1157. [69] Ibid. , p. 1157. [70] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [71] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1157 [72] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [73] Ibid. , p. 42. [74] Bismarck’s statement of 1892, quoted in Pflanze. â€Å"Period of unification†. Pp. 16 [75] Urbach, K arina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cam Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1158 [76] Quoted from Wolter, Heinz, (1983) Bismarcks Au? enpolitick, 1871-1881. East Berlin. Pp. 5 [77] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [78] Ibid. , p. 42. [79] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1158 [80] Ibid. , p. 1158 [81] Ibid. , p. 1158 [82] Ernst Engelberg, â€Å"Zur politischen Vorbereitung des Krieges†, in G. Seeber and K. Noack, eds. , Preu? en in der Geschichte nach 1789. (1983). East Berlin. Pp. 03 [83] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1158 [84] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s gr eatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [85] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1158 [86] Ibid. , p. 1160.

How to Answer the How Would You Fire Someone Interview Question

How to Answer the How Would You Fire Someone Interview Question It sounds counterintuitive to discuss firings in a job interview, right? Ordinarily, you might be asked to explain any firings in your own past- but you might also be faced with a question about firing others. Have you done it? How did you do it? If you haven’t done it, could you do it? How would you do it? Pretty macabre turn for the interview to take, but if it happens, don’t sweat it- here are some strategies you can use. DO understand why you’re being asked.It’s unlikely that the interviewer is thirsty for corporate blood, and looking for a kindred spirit. Rather, firing people is an unfortunate fact of life at any company. If you’re interviewing for any kind of management position, or a position that has the potential to grow into management level, it’s a valid test of your future management skills.If you recoil and say, â€Å"Oh, I could never fire anyone,† you could look like a pushover. If you go the opposite way and talk about how much you love firing people, you could come off more like a sociopath than a tough boss.DON’T try to seem like a shark.This isn’t a test to see how badass you can be. It’s a test to see how you would handle a real-life situation. You don’t get extra points for making the metaphorical fired person cry, so make sure you keep a neutral, professional tone. Very few companies are looking for a tyrant to fill a position.DO emphasize that you wouldn’t arrive at the decision lightly.Make sure the interviewer knows that you would monitor the situation closely, and fire someone as a last resort. This is kind of a backdoor test of your problem-solving skills. If you have a real-life example of having to fire someone in the past, talk about the process that led up to the decision, and how you handled it. If it didn’t have a great outcome, don’t lie- talk about what you’d do differently in the future.DON’T run down a laundry lis t of everyone you’ve fired.If you’ve left a ton of firings in your wake, that could be a major red flag for the interviewer: why has this person made so many bad hiring decisions that led to necessary firings? Instead of running that risk, use specific relevant examples that show the firing as a good management decision for the benefit of the company and/or your team. The interviewer is most interested in process here, so pick quality examples that don’t make you look like a manager who can’t manage a competent and harmonious team.DON’T be mean if you’re asked to â€Å"fire† the interviewer.If you’re asked to give a demonstration of a potential firing, be sure to be firm with the person and make the reasons clear. Don’t let the role-playing get loud or out of hand, even though it’s just for show. This is not the time to channel your inner Donald-Drumpf-circa-The Apprentice.So, to recap: be firm but empathetic in a ny examples you provide (real or hypothetical), and always emphasize the process you would use to arrive at the decision.

How Insulin Was Discovered

How Insulin Was Discovered The experiment that led to the initial discovery of insulin- the hormone manufactured in the pancreas that regulates the amount of glucose in the blood- almost didn’t happen. How Insulin Almost Wasnt Discovered For years scientists have suspected that the secret to controlling elevated levels of glucose lay in the inner reaches of the pancreas. And when, in 1920, a Canadian surgeon named Frederick Banting approached the head of the University of Toronto’s physiology department with an idea about finding that secret, he was initially rebuffed. Banting suspected a mysterious hormone was being produced in a section of the pancreas called the islets of Langerhans. He theorized that the hormone was getting destroyed by the pancreas’ digestive juices. If he could shut down the pancreas but keep the islets of Langerhans working, he might find the missing substance. Fortunately, Banting’s persuasive powers prevailed and department head John McLeod gave him lab space, 10 Langerhans hormone before it could be isolated. If he could stop the pancreas from working, but keep the islets of Langerhans going, he should be able to find the stuff!  experimental dogs, and a medical student assistant named Charles Best. By August of 1921, Banting and Best succeeded in extracting hormones from the islets of Langerhans- which they called insulin after the Latin word for island. When they injected the insulin into dogs with high blood sugar levels, those levels dropped quickly. With McLeod now taking an interest, the men worked quickly to duplicate the results and then set about running a test on a human subject, 14-year-old Leonard Thompson, who saw his blood sugar levels lower and his urine cleared of sugars. The team published there findings in 1923 and Banting and McLeod were awarded the Nobel Prize for Medicine (Banting shared his award money with Best).  On June 3, 1934,  Banting was knighted for his medical discovery. He was killed in an air crash in 1941.

Social Media as an Effective Marketing Channel Essay

Social Media as an Effective Marketing Channel - Essay Example This paper illustrates that there are many types of social media that help people communicate with each other and develop business relationships. However, social media mainly refers to the social networking websites that play a dynamic role in the personal and professional lives of people. Some of the main business benefits of using social media include the provision of an effective marketing platform, ability to reach large audiences, and improved customer service. Social networking websites are playing a valuable role as effective marketing channels for all types of companies whether large, small, or medium-sized. With the advent of the social media as an effective network for marketing and advertising, companies started using social networking websites for achieving the better response, as well as to provide customer service through an enhanced level of interaction with the customers of the company. â€Å"The main goal of social media marketing is to ensure high participation of target audience in campaigns and content shared by the company†. It is imperative for a company y to know the needs and demands of the customers for the provision of best products and services. Managers use a range of tools to gather required information because, without the information of customers’ requirements, it is not possible for a company to deliver customer value properly. Social media marketing helps managers and concerned employees in contacting the customers of the company directly to know their requirements and preferences. Today, many small and large companies form manufacturing and retail industries are focusing on the use social media marketing to customize their products in accordance with the customers’ preferences, as well as to deliver their message in a more effective and conventional way to the target audience. Social media marketing refers to marketing using social networking websites and other forms of social media.

Discussion Board 1-2 Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 1

Discussion Board 1-2 - Research Paper Example h a 2005 estimate showing more than 32 million Americans suffer addiction disorders (excluding tobacco addiction), more studies have become necessary (James & Gilliland, 2005). Over the years, public policies, especially those regarding alcoholic beverages established that the problem with alcohol use lies in the abuser and not the beverage. Although this stand shaped policies that either legalized or illegalized certain beverages, it also called for specialized ways to explain the etiology of addiction. However, none addressed the entire field of addiction comprehensively, neither were they dismissed as being incorrect. Therefore, experts in the field had to come up with more than one etiology, which served the mutual role of complementing each other. To that end, they came up with etiologies that attempted to explain addiction from various perspectives including moral, socio-cultural, psychological, disease and family. The most significant reason for having more than one etiology is for a wider and better understanding of addiction in an attempt to make plans in diagnosis and treatment as effective as possible. The scope of addiction itself is too wide f or a single etiology, with each aspect calling for its own kind of

Tessellation Patterns Essay Example for Free

Tessellation Patterns Essay A tessellation is â€Å"the filling of a plane with repetitions of figures in such a way that no figures overlap and that there are no gaps† (Billstein, Libeskind, Lott, 2010) . Tessellations can be created with a variety of figures, including triangles, squares, trapezoids, parallelograms, or hexagons. Tessellations use forms of transformations to show the repetitions of the figures. The transformations can includes translations, rotations, reflections or glided reflections. Any student would be able to create their own original tessellation by piecing together a variety of geometric shapes in a repetitive pattern by a transformation, either by hand or on a computer. The tessellation that I have created includes hexagons, squares, and triangles. I placed the squares and triangles around the hexagon to fill in the open spaces; this is to ensure that it is a complete tessellation. I did that because I found it to be very eye catching and adding the colors makes it a visually stimulating piece. This tessellation has the transformation of translation. Each shape is moved from one point to another in a straight line. The line can either be up or down, left to right, or even diagonally, but the shape itself is a copy of the original. The different colors of the hexagons allow you to see where the repetition occurs. Tessellations have been found in real-life. Soccer balls, plaid clothing, honey combs, and brick lying are examples of tessellations. One of my favorite things as a child was a kaleidoscope. This was a toy the when you held it the light showed a tessellation and if you rotated the scope, the tessellation would change. It was a fascinating toy for a child and it introduced them to the idea of a tessellation without knowing about them. Tessellations are a visual stimulate and cause many of happy days in my childhood and hopefully will be that way for my children as well. Reference Billstein, R., Libeskind, S., Lott, J. (2010). A problem solving approach to mathematics for elementary school teachers (10th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson Addison Wesley..

Polaroid Essay examples -- GCSE Business Marketing Coursework

Polaroid In March 1996, Ralph Norwood, treasurer of Polaroid Corporation, was asked to consider refinancing proposals from investment bankers of $150 million of debt due to mature in January 1997. Gary DiCamillo, newly appointed CEO of the firm,in reaction to the company's lagging share price, had set forth a new plan to agressively expoit the existing Polaroid brand, introduce product extensions, and enter new emerging markets. Before Norwood can choose a refinancing proposal, he must consider the funding needs of DiCamillo's new corporate strategy and the capital structure which would provide the lowest cost of capital and most financial flexibility. Norwood also needed to consider the maturity structure of debt. COMPANY PROFILE Nature of product Polaroid Corporation has been engaged primarily in the business of designing, manufacturing, and selling instant photographic imaging products worldwide. Since 1948, this mission has led them to develop instant black-and-white film in 1954, instant color film in 1960, and the SX-70 camera in 1972 which no longer required users to coat the developing picture. However, most revenues generated from the instant photography market were not through camera sales. Cameras were often sold on low margins to encourage film sales. By increasing the base of instant camera users the company increased file sales, its primary margin product. However, the advent of digital photography in the 1990s threatened to erode Polaroid's base of instant film camera users. Demand for Instant Photographic Services In the consumer market, demand for film on newly purchased cameras tended to be highest and then tappered off to somewhat predictable patterns. Therefore film demand often correlated to camera sales. In the commercial market, demand was derived from instant photography for indentification purposes such as I.D. badges, as well as various applications in medicine and law enforcement. The market for instant film photography in the U.S. had matured. Sales in 1994 and 1995 had fallen 2 percent and 12 percent respectively. International sales, on the other hand, offered strong growth potential. With rising standards of living and no infrastructure to process 35 mm film in many emerging market countries, there was a large untapped market for instant photography. Polaroid's cameras were in high demand. Growth in int... ...over, the company's EBIT coverage ratio would shift downward. If Norwood, were to reduce the company's debt requirement to under $690.47, Polaroid would maintain its investment-grade bond rating and benefit not only from a lower cost of debt, but also from a lower cost of total captial as shown in Appendix B. In addition, Polaroid's EBIT would remain above 2 over the next 5 years. Norwood could also raise the bond rating to A if he were to reduce the required debt amount to $574.47 million. At this level of debt, the company's EBIT coverage ratio would shift upward even more and remain above 4 over the next 5 years. Yet, lowering the amount of debt used would also raise the company's WACC. RECOMMENDATIONS Norwood should choose to maintain the company's current bond rating of BBB. Allowing Polaroid's bond rating to drop to BB could not only cause damage to the firm's brand name, but it would also increase the company's total cost of capital. Polaroids current level of debt financing surpasses the benefits of debt. Although it increases the company's credit worthiness as measured by their EBIT coverage ratio, it also raises their WACC do to the increased risk of default.

Change and Continuity in Constantinople

Constantinople was a city with a long a diverse history especially through the years of 1450 to 1750. Between these to dates Constantinople changed drastically in its political structure. Constantinople also had a tremendous chance in its trade activity. Innovation both militarily and nonmilitary within this city however remained virtually unchanged between 1450 to 1750. In short Constantinople transformed itself between 1450 to 1750 in the fields of government and business, but remained constant in its technological advancements. In the area of politics the chance of Constantinople couldn’t have been more drastic in the years between 1450 and 1750. In1453 the Byzantine Empire fell to the Ottoman Empire in the siege of Constantinople. This in turn allowed the Ottoman Turks to take Constantinople and completely defeat the rest of the remaining Byzantine Empire. The Ottoman Empire renamed the city to Istanbul and made it one of there capitals of there empire that ruled most all of the Middle East. The city was extremely vulnerable to attack because of the forth crusades that sacked the city and heavily depleted its population and allowed ottomans to take it. This new government allowed for the growth of religions, even make Constantinople a once Christian stronghold to a predominantly Muslim city. This new government also allowed for a large rise in population going from a few thousand in the 15th century to the over half a million in the 18th century. This was caused by an increase of culture and artwork due to the leadership of Suleiman the Magnificent. The other massive change in Constantinople between 1450 to 1750 was the amount of trade that was preformed. The lack of trade was because of Ottoman conquering of the city in 1453. This capture of the city created total dominance of the Middle East created a regional block of all trade routes effectively creating an Ottoman trade monopoly which allowed the Ottomans to charge whatever they wanted, this made it unprofitable to trade for the Asian goods that Europeans wanted so bad. This was the largest reason for the Europe’s age of exploration. The simple fact that the prices were too high making trade impractical causing a lack of trade and Europeans looking to the sea for trade with Asia. This in contrast with the previous large amounts of trade that use to go through Constantinople because of its great location between the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. Those most elements of the city of Constantinople were changed by the new empire that ruled it the one thing that stayed the same was the technology that was used in Constantinople. The Ottoman Turks were very regressive and didn’t embrace new technologies. This lack of progression caused by the Ottoman conservative clergy plus the lack of trade cause a lack of diffusion and a lack of advancements in there society. This all the while the rest of the world was making leaps and bounds forward. This was what caused the long term demise of the Ottoman.

Brinvillier

She clearly writes a second hand account of the B Renville women's' maniac and unfortunate plan with her later repercussions. Prompting the s Tory ,†this was still the only thing talked about in Paris,† this story tells the tale of a woman's purr e desires and her extreme measures of poisoning her husband. Madame De S' view's sets up her blabs opinion towards the account by using her elevated Dalton.Thus showing her tone an d the execution of the plot. Throughout Madame's letter, she Is able to narrate her purpose dramatic her ideas. And use organizational tools to aid her overall sympathy for the e Berliners woman. Although Seven's is depicting an event, she seamlessly connects her supporting data of her opinions towards the Berliner woman. She starts off noting the women's initial t Houghton and plans for her situation. As she depicts her crime, she leaves no room for the reader to interpret his woman as a good citizen.Seventeen's short summary of the account forces the dual once to trust her opinion and agree with her by the end coming to the conclusion that this w Oman receives no redemption. † And, it may be supposed, that we now inhale what remains of her. † Finally, by using her repetitive strategies, she is able to successfully sway the reader towards what she wants them to believe. Helping Madame De Giving's is her elevated diction. This allowing her create an elite opinion as well as persuading her readers.She creates a dramatic tone almost more than the average author to depict the seventy of both her crime and her execution. She leads t he reader suck her with horror†. She is able to utilize a simple summary yet integrate words like shudder inning and horror to emphasize the importance of the story. Madame has the advantage in her I otter to help depict her version of the story yet still remain true to the main idea. Lastly her organizational tools aid her success of both stating her opinion and narrate Eng her story.Sh e starts out with her impacting one sided headline intriguing the audience e to read her letter at a glance. She creates a steady flow of events streamlined with detailed word choice and extreme opinions. Closing out her letter, she solidifies her views. The Berliners whom an to Madame De Giving's is nothing but a murderous wench remaining completely of ids approval through the entirety of the essay. She is very clever in her organizational set up to Cree ate an easily attainable one sided agreement.And lastly, her clever closing remarks, â€Å"It is to e hoped that we shall not inhale her murderous instincts also,† complete her overall purpose of the letter. Overall, Madame De Giving's provides various examples throughout her letter using writing tools and strategies. She depicts her purpose through her diction and drama ‘zing the horrors of the Berliners woman. Her strategic organization shifts this monotonous e vent into a story of her own. Even though she takes a mo re Juvenile approach towards her though TTS , she uses elite strategies to make her purpose apparent.

The Gift of Love †Creative Writing Essay

The Gift of Love – Creative Writing Essay Free Online Research Papers The Gift of Love Creative Writing Essay The feeling has been known since the beginning of time, and the warning signs have most likely never evolved. They include the heart rising to the throat, inability to catch one’s breath, blood rushing to the cheeks, and the sudden loss of any linguistic capabilities. Yet these are fleeting symptoms, so they cannot really indicate if one is experiencing a visit from that mysterious and elusive character named romantic love. As powerful as the physical onslaught of lust appears, true love is a phenomena that requires the use of one’s time, thought and energy. To love is to unselfishly be faithful to one’s own feelings for another individual. Loving is not seeking personal gain, but hoping to better the life of the other person by becoming a part of it. Love is severely complex because it requires those who seek it to give up a part of themselves to another, without regard to the personal risks that they are taking through this action. It is this type of dangerous but true love that is exhibited in Camus’ Black Orpheus (1958), which is based on the famous myth of two lovers. In this film, a true and profound love is demonstrated by Orpheus and Eurydice because of these characters’ unselfish motives and commitment to their emotions. From the beginning of the movie, Orpheus’ history of love proves him to be a philanderer who has never been serious about a woman, and who does not know how to love truly. He has recently become engaged to Mira, the biggest flirt in town, and this is not a poor match. Orpheus himself is a flatterer and a flirt who constructs enchanting phrases when he composes his famous music. His tendency to charm comes across in the scene where he first encounters Eurydice at the trolley station. He playfully inquires where she is off to and flatters her appearance. Because Orpheus has had such experience with women and relationships, one would not expect him to be able to settle down and have a woman suppress his philandering manner. Evidently, Orpheus’ fiancà © has not tamed him, as he tries to flirt with Eurydice when he meets her. The way Orpheus reacts to love can be interpreted as selfish. His meddles with women for the sake of his own amusement, not because he has a de ep appreciation of them. His generosity towards Mira does not surpass a display of mild passions for her. There is no evidence of his ability to give more to a woman than his poetic but empty words. When Eurydice rejects the charming words of Orpheus, she demonstrates her ability to see through his external act and appreciate his true identity. Orpheus and Eurydice meet again, and this time they are alone. Orpheus tries once more to charm her, and she claims that it is not his words that she noticed about him, but his tune. She knows that his words are delightful but deceptive, and she is able to see the man who is behind the words. Eurydice perceives Orpheus not as a charmer with a captivating and quick tongue, but as a man whose beautiful music extends from a brilliant soul. Eurydice proves to be both an open minded and unselfish lover when she refuses to let Orpheus use his charms on her. In the quote previously mentioned, Eurydice reveals both her ability to see Orpheus for who he really is, and also her unwillingness to receive anything less than the real man. Accepting Orpheus’ flattery would be to relinquish hopes of truly understanding who he was, because it would mean that she didn’t believe that there was anything under the words. It would also show selfishness. Accepting his empty compliments would demonstrate a desire for him to affirm her pleasant qualities. Eurydice rejects flattery because she knows her love to be deeper. She is true to the emotions which do not allow her to be a self seeker, but force her to be willing to risk giving in to her strong feelings. The generosity that Orpheus displays once he realizes the intensity of his feelings demonstrates the truth of his and Eurydice’s love. It is her straight forward attitude and ability to see through him that makes him recognize her uniqueness. He quickly becomes aware of his love for her after he sees that she is serious about him, and now he can think of nothing but her protection. He brings her to his house at night because he wants to be assured of her safety, and he does not make even the slightest sexual advances. This is where his willingness to give of himself for her is demonstrated. His constant concern shifts from his own desires to those of Eurydice. No longer does he try to extract what he wants from the relationship, because his thoughts are more pure. Orpheus and Eurydice are true lovers because there is no force that can interrupt their commitment. A physical illustration of how deeply Orpheus has loved Eurydice is shown at the end of the film, when Orpheus transports Eurydice’s dead body from the morgue back up the hillside. Eurydice is dead and can no longer give her love to Orpheus, yet even death cannot stop him from caring for her. He watches over the lifeless body and guards it vigilantly, and soon he dies with it in his arms. It is clear that this love is unconditional, because death cannot restrain it. The truest love cannot have boundaries, because that would mean that the lovers have abandoned their emotions. Orpheus is emotionally committed to Eurydice until his death. Both Orpheus and Eurydice show a willingness to change their lives so that they can fully support one another. There love was based on profound mutual care and sincere generosity, the same characteristics that define true love. Love is valid when it is not based on self interest, but the well being and happiness of the individuals involved. The commitment to giving is the beautiful ideal that is achieved by Orpheus and Eurydice in Black Orpheus. Research Papers on "The Gift of Love" - Creative Writing EssayHonest Iagos Truth through DeceptionWhere Wild and West MeetAnalysis Of A Cosmetics Advertisement19 Century Society: A Deeply Divided EraComparison: Letter from Birmingham and CritoPersonal Experience with Teen PregnancyMind TravelThree Concepts of PsychodynamicHip-Hop is ArtThe Hockey Game

Chemistry 208 All QUIZ Essay Example for Free (#208)

Chemistry 208 All QUIZ Essay The Scientific Method Step 1: Performing Experiments Step 2: Making Observations Step 3: Proposing a Hypothesis Step 4: Confirming the Hypothesis Step 5: Proposing a Scientific Law Scientific Notation It is a mathematical expression in which a number is expressed as N x 10^n where N contains only one nonzero digit to the left of the decimal and n is an integer. Rules for Determining Significant Figures (digits) -All nonzero digits are significant figures -Counting begins from the left with the first nonzero number -Zeros between nonzero digits are counted as sig. Figures -Terminal zeros (zeros to the right of the right of a number) are always significant if the value contains a decimal point. Ex: 2. 3700 g: 5 significant figures 17. 50 mL: 4 significant figures Rule 1- In calculations involving measured values (with a certain # of sig. figs), the number of sig figs in the final answer depends on the operation performed. Rule 2- In multiplication and division of measured quantities, the final answer contains the same number of sig figs as are in the measurement with the least number of sig figs. Rule 3- In the final answer of a calculation involving exact numbers, unit conversion factors and constants, the number of significant figures is dictated by the measured quantity involved. Density = Mass/ Volume Matter: The term matter is used to describe things that occupy space and are perceivable by our senses. It can be classifies in terms of its physical state or chemical composition. Elements: composed of one type of atom. Classified as a metal, nonmetal or metalloid. Compound: a combination of elements in a definite proportion. Atoms of each individual elements are chemically combined to form the compound. A chemical change can break down a compound into its individual elements. Mixture: a non-pure substance made of 2 or more elements or compounds that can be separated by physical procedures. Protons have a positive charge, found in the nucleus. Neutrons have no charge, found in the nucleus. Electrons have a negative charge. The atomic number of an element is equal to the number of protons in the nucleus of its atoms. The mass number is equal to the number of protons and neutrons in the atom. To calculate the number of neutrons, subtract the atomic number from the mass number. Molecules are a combination of atoms in a definite proportion e. g. , molecule of water Ions are charged species formed by loss or gain of electron(s) from an atom. Loss of electron – cation (positively charged) Gain of electron – anion (negatively charged) Chemistry 208 All QUIZ. (2018, Oct 12).

International finance Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

International finance - Essay Example receiving 51.5 million USD, it is forced to pay 1 million USD to the counterparty to settle the forward and this means it will only keep (51.5 million – 1 million) = 50.5 million USD. The company would have gained if the rate went against the forward rate by an equal margin of 0.02 USD/Euro. A forward contract essentially locks in the exchange rate, no matter what happens, and depending on which way the market subsequently moves it can be beneficial or detrimental. (a) Intrinsic value of a call option may be calculated as; In the case of a Call Option:  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Underlying Price  - Strike Price = Intrinsic Value. Therefore, the intrinsic values of the stocks priced at $55, $50, $45 will be as follows; As can be observed from the table, the intrinsic value of the call option with a strike of $50 remains at zero until the stock starts to trade above the strike price. The call intrinsic value is greater than zero; therefore, it rises and continues rising as the stock starts to move away from the strike price to the upside. Which is; (0.06-0.05)*(90/360)*1 million = $2,500. This interest saving of 2,500 will not come until the end of the 90-day LIBOR or Loan period. Therefore, the value at settlement is calculated from the present value of these savings; If the floating rate happens to be less than the forward rate, the result will be, negative meaning the long will pay the short; this also happens when the current rate is less than the contract rate (Scott & Wellons 1995). Hence, money may be lost since borrowing could only technically take place at lower rate with the present rates than it is possible with contract rates. (a) The annual interest rate in the UK is 6.5% while that in the US is 5.2%; the interest rate in the US is lower than that in the UK by (6.5-5.2) = 1.3%. A reduction or lower interest rate will mean that the demand for US goods will be lower as compared to those of the UK goods by a percentage of 1.3%. This means a depreciation of the